Saturday, September 24, 2016

A Critical Collaboration: Doy Laurel with the KBL

A critical collaboration with the KBL

Just shortly before the interim Batasan Pambansa election in 1978, Marcos brought the LP and the NP to the abbotoir and assembled his own political party, the Kilusan ng Bagong Lipunan, under which all traditional political parties could join so long as they marched in the jackboot of the KBL. Originally conceived merely as an umbrella organization, the KBL was formerly known as Bagong Lipunang Kilusan ng mga Nacionalista, Liberal, at Iba Pa. But less than a year after its founding, Marcos discarded all pretenses and turned KBL into a full-blown political party; its name was then shortened to Kilusan ng Bagong Lipunan or KBL.

During the 1960s, and even earlier, only two major political parties—the LP and the NP—alternately roamed the corridors of power, no third party could muscle in, especially in pursuit of the presidency. Ferdinand Marcos put this to a stop right after martial law was declared. In turn, by virtue of the 1973 Constitution, Marcos abolished the two-party system and controlled all political activities throughout his rule.

But during KBL’s conception, Marcos, pulling out all the stops of endless call for a “national unity movement,” actually failed to rouse the Liberals and some of the hardliners of his own party, the Nacionalista Party, one of them was Salvador “Doy” Laurel. Interestingly, despite his being with the Marcos Administration in the pre-martial law Senate, Doy was never a blind follower of any leader. His loyalty belonged to the country and his own. But he also took up some public postures in line with the administration, as his tentative position on martial rule indicated. Still and all, Doy always believed in the Lincolnian phrase —he said so explicitly many times—“With malice toward none, with charity for all”

Not surprisingly, Speaker Laurel, who originally suggested the “umbrella idea” to Marcos, told the younger Laurel that the election was not really for a parliament, but only for an interim parliamentary body. Its chief aim, the Speaker explained further, was “to return the nation to normalcy.” Indeed the emergence of KBL presented a maze of contradictions for Doy Laurel, a dyed-in-the-wool NP, who was itching, for some time now, to get back on the stump and speak out against the excesses of the martial law regime. “I had a problem,” Doy later recalled, “I was going to head the opposition—but how was I to head it when there were to be no political parties involved in the elections and we were all to be under the KBL.” Nonetheless, Doy went out of his way, so far as possible, to convince people to run as opposition candidates, persuading them to take advantage of the 30-day “suspension of the effects of martial law” in order to freely discuss vital issues with the people. But much to his chagrin, the big honchos of the traditional opposition, people whom he counted on for support, do not share his view. That compounded his problem. Except for regional political parties like Ninoy Aquino’s communist-backed Laban in Metro Manila and Reuben Canoy and Bono Adaza’s Mindanao Alliance, Macapagal and Roxas, influential members of the Liberal Party, opted to boycott the 1978 Interim Batasan Pambansa election. In Nick Joaquin’s Doy Laurel in Profile, Doy had the occasion to express his frustration with the Liberals over what he thought was a missed opportunity in 1978, he said:

I had had a hard time getting people to run as opposition candidates. I had started organizing the Lakas ng Bayan—not as [a] party but as an opposition group in Metro Manila and some key cities like Cebu and Cagayan de Oro. Homobono Adaza of Cagayan de Oro and Hilario Davide Jr. of Cebu were for it. But the people I expected to support it came out against it: Macapagal was against it, Gerry Roxas was against it, Salonga was against it. Ninoy announced he would not run while he was in jail. I was told they had signed an agreement not to participate. Later, at the instigation of Tanada, Ninoy withdrew from the agreement — but by then it was too late. (Emphasis mine)
Divide and rule

The cry of election boycott in 1978 sprang from the throat of ex-President Diosdado Macapagal, one of the old guards of LP. Convinced that participation would only legitimize the Marcos regime and that clean and free elections were impossible, LP President Gerardo “Gerry” Roxas simply echoed Macapagal’s skepticism. So was Senator Jovito Salonga. But Homobono Adaza, the Golden Boy of Cagayan De Oro politics, differed with his elders from the Manila opposition. In answer to Macapagal’s argument, Bono Adaza would say: “You know, Mr. President, the Philippines is not the United States or Great Britain. It is a developing country where legitimacy means possession of power. Marcos said we could attack him indiscriminately for sixty days without any case filed against us. We should respond to the Marcos challenge because cowardice is infectious but so is courage… I will participate, with apologies to all of you, by organizing a regional party,” Adaza’s solitary voice, however, fell on deaf ears. True to his words, Adaza was among the first to organize a regional party in the country, the Mindanao Alliance (MA), which quickly accepted the Marcos challenge to participate in the elections. MA, though centered in Northern Mindanao, would later be a major component of the opposition under the umbrella of UNIDO.

With the initial boycott of LP, former Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. was stuck in a quandary. He was for participation but Gerry Roxas, LP president, would not allow Aquino to carry the party label. And so upon the advice of Old Man Tañada, Ninoy Aquino, though in jail, launched Lakas ng Bayan or LABAN as his political vehicle to go against Mrs. Marcos’ handpicked slate of candidates in Metro Manila. But as one story is oft-told Ninoy Aquino’s candidacy apparently had the backing of the communist party.

This policy not to get involved in the 1978 national elections triggered an exodus in the LP, with most of its key officers defecting to the KBL. Gerry Roxas, however, would try to hold the LP together through newsletters and personal contacts with its remaining members, but ostensibly maintained distance from Aquino’s LABAN. In no time, the Nacionalista Party too was consigned to limbo, and would later on split into two factions: the Laurel Wing and the pro-Marcos Roy Wing. With the implosion of the traditional political parties, and the lack of central leadership in the opposition, regional parties and ragtag opposition grouplets soon appeared like mushrooms, particularly during the 1980 elections. From that time on, Philippine politics under the Marcos regime was never the same.

The Great Spoiler

Having failed to forge a national opposition ticket, Doy soon plunged himself into a Hamlet-inspired dilemma: to run or not to run. Torn between party lines, Doy even up to that point wanted to test whether Marcos’ word was as good as gold. But upon the advice of his Kuya Pito, whose opinion he revered highly, Doy eventually reached a decision and finally threw his hat into the ring. Even so, if Doy was ever anything, he was a party man: “I decided to run as a Nacionalista under the KBL umbrella and I decided to run in Batangas.”

Even as a pragmatist and a partisan, Doy never for one second let go of his dream, the dream that fired up all his life: to be of highest service to his country and people. And so the time came when Doy Laurel walked into a No Man’s Land armed with two paramount objectives: to speed up the country’s return to normalcy and the restoration of people’s basic rights and liberties under a regime of democracy. Thus equipped, Doy began his campaign as a KBL candidate in the Southern Tagalog region. Ever the consummate statesman, Doy Laurel, whose powerful oration was then the rage, would start every campaign with an appeal for sobriety.

Reported the Philippines Daily Express on February 28, 1978:

Former Senator Salvador H. Laurel yesterday urged leaders and workers of all political groups to keep the current election campaign at a high level by sticking only to a discussion of valid issues and avoiding personalities… The former senator aired his appeal at a big rally in Lucena City, during which all candidates of the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan were proclaimed.

With the old idolization of his father again stirring in Doy’s veins, he pledged, in many KBL rallies, to carry on and intensify his crusade for justice for every Filipino upon his election. He also appealed to the voters for unity and asked them to disregard attempts to divide the people, especially in such a critical time when the country was moving toward political normalization. But Doy also had his few daring moments in the campaign. From the outset, Doy knew the real score. He felt that it was not the right time to go the full route. Thus, in many ways, he played the role of the Great Spoiler and characterized his candidacy as one where he was merely “jog-jogging” along. After all, he intoned, the election was not really a race since there was no real opposition, to begin with. “Because we had no opponents,” said Doy, ”we candidates were reduced to competing against each other— pataasan ng ihi, as they say in Tagalog, or seeing who could piss higher.” Eventually, the word was sent to Doy to refrain from mocking the upcoming polls, allegedly on orders of god himself—meaning Marcos. To this, Doy sneered, “Why not, when it’s true?” Obviously peeved at Doy’s remark, the KBL pontoons, who were staunchly Marcos sycophants, shot back, “Because it doesn’t look nice!”

Indeed, no one came as nice as Doy Laurel in those days. For, here was a man strangely far removed from the common run of KBL clowns who practiced demagoguery on a grand scale just to please the whims of the conjugal dictators in Malacanang. But Doy was no ordinary politician. Once upon a time, before martial rule was proclaimed, he was a highly-respected Senator, whose skills in political swordplay had few equals, whose social conscience, quite rare for Philippine politicians, stirred him to author laws which benefited the poor and the unwanted. Add to this, was the Laurel persona. A known orator in his UP days, Doy always held his audiences spellbound. He had the charisma of the great barrister pleading his cause with the people, punctuating his arguments with intellectual wit and asides.

These were the first headwinds of Doy Laurel’s return to politics.

Excerpts from "UNIDO: The Political Party that Brought Marcos Down."

SELECTED SOURCES:

Burton, Sandra. Impossible Dream: The Marcoses, the Aquinos, and the Unfinished Revolution. New York: Warner Books, 1989

Canoy, Reuben R. The Counterfeit Revolution: Martial Law in the Philippines. Manila. Philippines Edition Publishing. 1980

Joaquin, Nick. Doy Laurel in Profile: A Philippine Political Odyssey. Makati: Lahi, 1985 (Reprinted 2012)

Komisar, Lucy. Corazon Aquino: The Story of a Revolution. New York: George Braziller, 1987.

Marcos, Ferdinand E. The Politics of Transition. Manila: 1978

Laurel, Salvador H. Sworn to Serve. Makati: Salvador H. Laurel: 1990

Laurel, Celia Diaz. Doy Laurel. Makati: Celia Diaz Laurel: 2007

Thompson, Mark R. The Anti-Marcos Struggle. Quezon City: New Day, 1996

Wurfel, David. Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Quezon City. Ateneo Press. 1988

Interviews by the Author:

Adaza, Homobono. Former governor, Misamis Oriental; former assemblyman, Batasan Pambansa; president, Mindanao Alliance. Quezon City, June 2016

Arrieta, Abundio, Marbella, Winston, Monico, Jacob, Oliveros, Jose. Interview by the author, electronic recording, Makati. Philippines. September 2014

Face Off in the Palace: The Laurels versus Marcos

The Laurels and Ferdinand Marcos were no strangers to each other. It will be recalled that sometime in 1964, Marcos wanted to challenge then-President Diosdado Macapagal in the national convention of the Liberal Party. He realized later that he had no chance of winning in that convention as LP’s presidential standard-bearer, and so Marcos approached Speaker Jose “Pepito” Laurel, eldest son of the wartime president, to discuss his predicament. Right off, Speaker Laurel, along with a group of NPs that included Puyat, Roy, and Almendras, worked for Marcos’ conversion into a Nacionalista. Marcos’ entry in the NP, however, was not well received by the party’s hierarchy. Especially displeased was NP chief Eulogio “Amang” Rodriguez, who refused to give Marcos his blessing. My god! Pepito is bringing a devil to the party! Amang was quoted saying. But as Fate would have it, Pepito Laurel managed to sneak Marcos in, and from there win the presidency from Diosdado Macapagal in 1965. The rest is history.

Fast forward to 1978. Just about two months before the scheduled interim Batasan Pambansa elections, President Marcos invited his fellow Nacionalistas to a conclave in Malacañang, where the president would attempt to pull off his biggest surprise. Present in that meeting were some NP eminentos: Emmanuel Pelaez, Arturo Tolentino, Jose Roy, Cornelio Villareal, J. Antonio Araneta, and the Laurel brothers, Speaker Jose “Pepito” Laurel, and his younger brother, Salvador “Doy” Laurel. Bereft of the usual pleasantries, President Marcos went straight to the jugular and announced the impending abolition of NP and LP, and in their stead, he proposed the creation of a new political party that would be in accord with the spirit of the “New Society.” Visibly upset by Marcos’ temerity to abolish the party that made him President, Speaker Pepito Laurel swooped on Marcos, and angrily said: “Just a moment, Mr. President. I was not coming here at all. I had sworn I would not come to Malacañang as long as martial law was in force. But I was told by NP Secretary General Constancio Castaneda that today was the burial of the Nacionalista Party. And so I put on my best suit, my funeral suit, and as you can see my tie is black. Because for the sake of the Nacionalista Party, which made us all, I will go anywhere, even to Malacañang.”

Pepito Laurel, reported one account, was so enraged that he virtually pointed his finger at Marcos’ face and went on to lecture the president on what loyalty was all about. The silence, said Doy Laurel, who was beside his elder brother the whole time, was deafening. Of course, the people around Ferdinand Marcos were all taken aback, as was the president. No one reacted but everybody knew what the Speaker meant. Apparently, the Laurels could not accept that the Marcos would absorb the Nacionalista Party, which was a legacy of their father Jose P. Laurel, into his own Kilusang Bagong Lipunan. Then the Speaker made a last-ditch effort to save the NP, and told Marcos, with all the passion at his command, not to kill it. “This is the party that made you president, twice. It should not be recorded that this party born in 1907, was killed by Ferdinand Marcos in 1978. Don’t kill it, Mr. President. Just let it rest, let it sleep for a while.” In an effort to hasten their predicament, Speaker Laurel proposed a win-win solution and suggested to form— instead of a party— a movement that would serve as an “umbrella” for all candidates in the upcoming elections. The President, who held his peace all along, liked Pepito’s “umbrella idea,” and bought it almost immediately. And so it was settled. But before the Laurels could stalk off, the Speaker once again surveyed the people around the president, people he hardly knew, feigned a grin and said: “Mr. President, I noticed a lot of new faces around; when your boat sinks, these new faces will be the first to abandon you.” As it happened, only Vicente “Ting” Paterno, a Marcos official at that time, had the guts and the decency to accompany the Laurels to their car.

The “umbrella idea” worked; NP got a reprieve up to that point. But it was just a matter of time before the final split between the Laurels and Ferdinand Marcos, erstwhile political allies during pre-martial law years, came to the fore. ..

x x x

The Marcos connection

It is safe to conclude that the schism was set out early on. And as one story is oft-told, it was the Old Man Laurel who saved the young Marcos from being clapped in the calaboose for murder. (And, as related above, it was Speaker Laurel who welcomed Marcos into the NP.) No wonder that Marcos showed deferential attitude toward the Laurels from day one and didn’t dare fight them openly, except in politics. In a stirring eulogy on President Jose P. Laurel, delivered before the Senate on February 5, 1960, Ferdinand E. Marcos, then a Senator, regarded the Old Man Laurel in this manner:

Objectivity cannot be mine. My eyes cannot but be closed to his shortcomings and my heart moved by gratitude. For I owe this man my life, not once but thrice. Above all, I owe him my faith in God.

As a young man not yet out of college unjustly haled to court for public trial for a crime I did not commit, I had called our system of justice a travesty and, what was worse, my belief in God a mockery. But I found justice in the hand of a great soul.

Justice Jose P. Laurel of the Supreme Court returned me my faith in my fellow men and in God. I found justice in his sharp mind and trenchant pen. (Emphasis mine)

Given Marcos’ deep admiration, respect and debt of gratitude to Jose P. Laurel, Doy could very well have chosen to feather his own nest under martial rule and played the role of a bootlicker but that wasn’t just his style. Instead, Doy chose struggle over comfort, community over self, which to his way of thinking Filipino patriotism best exemplified. Whatever the case, Doy Laurel seemed to have played his cards rather well and took advantage of this so-called “debt of gratitude,” and used it to pound the Marcos dictatorship to the hilt.

Whether the Laurels made a fatal mistake in bringing Marcos into the fold of the NP is a matter of opinion, but certainly Doy’s older brother, Speaker Jose B. Laurel Jr., had cried mea culpa—“mea maxima culpa” were his precise words, actually— many times since and vowed to get even. Doy, for his part, swore he would restore democracy in the country, that he would blaze the trail fighting Marcos and his forces —Batangas-style—that would leave everybody in awe.

And thus it was that the paths of two political titans, fraternity brothers no less, crossed again.

Excerpts from “UNIDO: The Political Party that Brought Marcos Down

Monday, May 16, 2016

CELIA DIAZ LAUREL: Muse of Philippine Theatre

By Donna Dimaano-Bonoan

Unlike other gods who had their counterpart goddesses, Dionysus or Bacchus, Greek god of theatre, appears to have had no particular muse. Good for us Filipinos, the Grecian roots and influence of arts and theatre has led to the emergence of our own stage drama royalties, one of whom was recognized in the 2016 Philippine Gawad Buhay Awards held last April 28, 2016 at Onstage in Greenbelt, Makati. Alongside National Artist for Dance Alice Reyes, Madame Celia Diaz Laurel (CDL), was given the Natatanging Gawad Award, a lifetime achievement award, for her exemplary work and dedication for Philippine theatre and arts in general.

Start of Art. Maria Luz Celia Teresita Diaz Laurel, born to a devout Catholic family, had almost missed her UP Fine Arts education if her mother, as recounted by National Artist Nick Joaquin in the book Doy Laurel: In Profile, released in 2012, only insisted on her sweeping pagan belief on UP and its people. But trusting a friend who promised to look after the young Celia, Mrs. Conching Diaz finally allowed CDL to enroll in June 1947. And just like the war-ruined Villamor Hall where the School of Fine Arts and the Conservatory of Music were lodged, CDL was about to start a new chapter in her life which is far from the medical aspirations that she used to entertain when she was young.

Art Masters. Landing at the helm of Dominador Castaneda (art history), Ambrosio Morales (modeling and sculpturing) and no less than the 1972 National Artist for Painting, Fernando Amorsolo, then director of the UP School of Fine Arts and 1976 National Artist for Sculpture Guillermo Tolentino, CDL was destined to hone her innate creative bents to perfection. In Book I of her three-part autobiographic book, Colors of My Life: Celia Diaz Laurel, The Painter published in 2014, she related how elated she was when she knew that she will be mentored by Amorsolo and Guillermo, and how frustrated she became when she learned that she will have to wait for a few more years to make that happen because the masters apparently only taught higher college levels. Personal conversations and encounters with these Philippine art titans can also be found and are immortalized in the same book. Aside from vital lessons on contrasting dark and light elements or chiaroscuro which is evident in her artworks, the UP School of Fine Arts, said Celia, has also taught her virtues of diligence and patience – values which are essential in her craft and life.

Drama Arts. In so little time, the Negros lass has literally won the UP community not only through her beauty (thus earning her the Sweetheart of Upsilon tag), but also by her admirable talents in poetry and long prose. Later, she would also join the UP Dramatic Club and Manila Community Players, an affliction for the performing arts which actually started while she was still in the Assumption Convent. From her first lead role as Lilay in Godofredo Burce Bunao’s Newer Years to her one-day notice Tia Consuelo role in Freddie Guerrero’s Forever and to the other lead roles she landed on or rather, landed on her, the theatre stage, aside from Doy Laurel’s heart, proved to be another territory she can rightfully claim.

Family and Art. Early marriage and motherhood did not however stop Celia from improving her craft. In the same interview by Nick Joaquin, Doy Laurel shared that a few months after their first-born Suzie was born, he went back to UP College of Law while “Celia was back in fine arts; she was very serious about her painting and she got excellent grades.” Her theatrical stretches, however has continued to impress National Artist for Theatre Ma. Wilfrido Guerrero. In fact, in her book, CDL revealed, “A week after the play closed [Newer Years], I had a surprise visit from Ma. Wilfrido Guerrero, who was not only a noted playwright and director, but was the head of the UP Dramatic Club.”

After receiving their college degrees in 1952, they headed to Yale University for their post-graduate studies on law for Doy and drama for Celia. Again, Yale Drama Theatre proved to be no unfamiliar terrain for CDL. Thus, aside from being a wife to Doy in their Connecticut apartment, CDL has also become a familiar name in the stage community when she portrayed Queen Gertrude in William Shakespeare’s Hamlet and Christine Manon in Eugene O’Neill’s Mourning Becomes Electra, to name a few.

Philippine Art and Theatre. After earning her post graduate Yale degree for Drama, it was time for CDL to come home to Philippine Theatre. She initially joined Dramatic Philippines but it was in Repertory Philippines where another opportunity to cross self-boundaries presented itself. Out of the 53 Repertory plays which she starred in like The Sound of Music, My Fair Lady, The Diary of Anne Frank, Fiddler on the Roof, The King And I, and Children of the Lesser God, etc., she also found her eligible spot in set and costume design. With her UP Fine Arts degree coupled with her innate passion for theatre, she manned the production design of 77 Repertory plays including Tennessee William’s The Rose Tattoo, Rodgers and Hammerstein’s South Pacific, Andrew Lloyd Webber’s Evita and Joseph and the Amazing Technicolor Coat, William Russel’s Educating Rita, and many others. To describe CDL’s brand of theatre work, current artistic director of Repertory Philippines’ Theater for Young Audiences, Joy Virata emphasized CDL’s natural eye for art and beauty and her entrepreneurial and financial skills as material for saving several Repertory plays. In the Manila Bulletin’s lifestyle article entitled "The shy Laurel," Jasmine Agnes T. Cruz and Noel B. Pabalate quoted Virata saying that CDL “did make silk purses out of sow’s ears…Her eye for color and texture was perfect. Working within a limited budget, she could make cheap material look like the finest of Victorian and Elizabethan gowns or a splendid cloak or the luxurious finery of an Arabian court. Her evening cloaks for the cagelles at Rep’s production of La Cage aux Folles have never been equaled. She devised ways to save time and money by the judicious use of her fabled glue gun and stapler. It could be said that sometimes close up the costumes looked miserable but viewed from the audience they were fabulous.”


Amusing Muse of Art. With a controversial Vice-President for a life partner, eight children, humanitarian projects, book authorships, and theatrical rigidities on and off stage, it is simply astonishing how CDL was able to juggle all these roles with excellence, grace and humility. This disposition, together with all her exemplar contributions, surely makes her the Philippines’ muse of arts and theatre – an accolade that she truly and befittingly deserves.

Tuesday, May 3, 2016

The Right To Get Angry

A little over a year after EDSA People Power restored democracy in our country, American journalist James Fallows of the Atlantic Monthly came out with a scathing article that shook Cory Aquino to the roots of her hair. “A Damage Culture,” as it turned out, talked about our culture—the Filipino culture. Very few agreed with Fallows’ sententious conclusion at that time. Very many posited the view that our manifold problems would be resolved, that the light at the end of the tunnel was in sight, and that the “damage” in our culture Fallows wrote so harshly about could, in time, be repaired.

That would have been understandable because for twenty years our nation was under Marcos’ thumb, and it would take time before we could uproot the evil and rid ourselves of the putrescence of the martial law years. Sure, Marcos did the country a lot of injustices. But blaming the Marcos regime alone, it would seem, was much too easy an answer. What made Marcos possible, what enabled him to hold on to power for so long, clearly proved Fallows’ point. The monumental problem in the Philippines, as Fallows would observe, was cultural and, in many ways, a preexisting condition even before martial law. He was dead right. Our problem stemmed from our “culture,” a unique culture that was shaped, molded, and in many ways, imposed upon us by our benevolent colonizers for centuries.

Listen to this: “The countries that surround the Philippines have become the world's most famous showcases for the impact of culture on economic development. Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore--all are short on natural resources, but all (as their officials never stop telling you) have clawed their way up through hard study and hard work. Unfortunately for its people, the Philippines illustrates the contrary: that culture can make a naturally rich country poor. There may be more miserable places to live in East Asia-- Vietnam, Cambodia--but there are few others where the culture itself, rather than a communist political system, is the main barrier to development. The culture in question is Filipino, but it has been heavily shaped by nearly a hundred years of the "Fil-Am relationship.' The result is apparently the only non-communist society in East Asia in which the average living standard is going down.”

Every word Fallows has written about our culture rings true today. Nothing has changed except that our conditioned worsened. Sadly, the culture that Fallows says is damaged would in fact remain severely damaged more than two decades after.

Of the things Fallows wrote in his article, there’s this one paragraph that got me hooked from beginning to end, especially now that we are gearing up for the 2016 presidential elections. Again, listen to his words, and listen very carefully: “Most of the time I spent in the Philippines, I walked around feeling angry, angry at myself when I brushed off the latest platoon of child beggars, angry at the beggars when I did give in, angry at the rich Filipinos for living behind high walls and guardhouses in the fortified Makati compounds euphemistically called villages, angry as I picked my way around piles of human feces left by homeless families living near the Philippine Navy headquarters on Roxas Boulevard, angry at a society that had degenerated into a war of every man against every man.”

Now why would I feel like someone had just walloped my stomach after reading those searing words? If James Fallows, a visiting foreigner, can get angry over what is happening in our country decades ago, why can’t we? The late Teodoro “Teddyman” Benigno, in his poignant essay titled “Our Damaged Culture,” provides us with an answer: “This is what gets me, the Filipino’s infinite capacity for patience. We can never really get angry, it seems, even if there is everything to get angry about.” WHAM!

As election day approaches, we have all the right to get angry. We have all the right to say, fuck that establishment, damn all the sonouvabitches and dimwit politicians who tormented us for years, many years. If I were to believe the lessons of history, then something tells me about our revolutionary tradition, that we pride ourselves as a heroic people, and that our patience has limits when pushed to the edge of destruction.

What could be the core of our damaged culture? I think it is the fact that we refuse to look beyond ourselves, all we really care about is what happens to us and members of our families. Yes, we do in fact get angry sometimes, but only if our interest, our familial interest is at stake. We always tend to pull our punches, not wishing to offend the person or persons we are talking with, especially if that person is family. Ah, why would Binay support any anti-dynasty movement when Abi and Jun-jun can enjoy the perks of Makati City and the Congress? Why would he decide to back out of the presidential race (out of delicadeza and in view of the corruption allegations) and divest himself of the immunity he enjoys when losing in the elections means jail time for him? Why would Poe advise her close ally and San Miguel Corporation chief Danding Conjuangco to implement a no-ENDO and no labor-only contracting policies in all his business ventures when Danding majorly finances her campaign? Why would Santiago reveal her current health status when she actually has nothing lose? Why would Roxas admit the lapses of PNOY’s administrations in security, disaster response and overall economy when he himself was part of the government whose “daang matuwid” mantra failed many? Why would Roxas question Kris Aquino’s use of the presidential chopper as a blatant form of corruption when her celebrity status helps in his and running mate Leni Robredo’s campaign? Why would he care for the tanim-bala victims when they represent no significant number of the voting public? With all these questions, one remains in my mind and that is: If they wouldn’t, why would we?

I was told that in order to help others, we must help ourselves first. I cannot agree less. We certainly, to paraphrase the words of Senator Bongbong Marcos, cannot give what we do not have. But I guess, it becomes very different when our actions are imbued with national interest because the moment we start looking beyond ourselves rather than pursuing our own motives to the detriment of our county, then that could be a good start to call ourselves a community—a nation. That is the struggle and it is real.

But yes, come to think of it, when our ancestors cried out for independence from Spain, it took them 300 long years to do so. When we shouted “Tama na, palitan na!” during the Martial Law, Marcos was already in position for 20 years. We were probably too patient. Or too forgiving, perhaps? Well, masochism is a sign of psychological imbalance. If we want change, a nation cannot be so forgiving or too patient. Oh, I’m probably thinking out too loud.

But really, once again, as we prepare for the coming elections, the citizenry is lured to believe that all that truly matters is continuity of leadership, and by “continuity” I mean, that the reins of power would remain firmly in the hands of the privileged few. But for many disillusioned citizens who are sick and tired of traditional politics, disgruntled Filipinos fed up with corruption at all levels of our society, the 2016 presidential elections could be their seething cauldron of outrage against the establishment. And somehow as our awakened people gaze on the political horizon, they can see just one man, one dogged man with the wills of steel, whose courage to propel the ship of state away from “imperialistic Manila” is almost certain. That man is Mayor Rodrigo Duterte.

May our angry and awakened tribe increase!